Who were the Seljuks?

The Red Tower, Alanya


Introduction

The Seljuk Turks were a collection of different polities and sultanates under the umbrella term of the Seljuk dynasty. They were a medieval Islamic and Turkic dynasty that ruled vast swathes of land between the mountains of the Hindu Kush and Anatolian highlands, while also controlling the Levant, parts of Arabia, and the Caucasus.

Map of the Great Seljuk State upon the death of Sultān Alp Arslān in November 1072.

The Turks were interacting with the Middle East long before the Seljuks existed. Turks were serving the Abbasid and Byzantine armies, looking further back in time, there were Turks who supported the Arabs during the Battle of Talas against the Chinese, and there were even some battles between the Khazars, who were Turks, and the Rashidun Caliphate under Caliph Umar. Therefore, the Turks regularly interacted with the Middle East for centuries before the Seljuk dynasty was established.

The Seljuks led a nomadic lifestyle, especially before they established their empires. Their nomadic steppe lifestyle is probably best described by a medieval Georgian chronicler:

"They would settle … in all those beautiful winter quarters, where in winter, as in the season of spring, grass is mowed and wood and water are found in abundance. A multitude of all kinds of game exists there and there is every sort of recreation. In those regions they would settle with their tents; of their horses, mules, sheep, and camels there was no reckoning. They led a blessed existence; they would hunt, relax, take their pleasure, and they experienced no lack of anything. They would engage in commerce in their cities, but would invade our borders for their fill of captives and plunder. In spring they would ascend the mountains of Somkhiti and Ararat. Thus during summer they would have ease and recreation on the grass and pleasant fields, with springs and flowering meadows. So great was their strength and multitude that you could say: ‘All Turks of the whole world are here'."

This insightful account of their lifestyle is very significant when assessing both their origins as well as their conquests.


Early History

It is necessary to understand the early history of the Seljuks to understand their origins, hence why this section was added; to briefly summarize it.

The word 'Seljuk' was the name of the dynasty's founder, who was the son of Duqaq Temur Bey. Duqaq was a powerful statesman who served the Khazars and the Oghuz Yabghu State. There is a famous story attributed to him by some historians, Ibn Athir narrates that incident in his 'al-Kamil fi'l ta'rikh', translated by D.S. Richards.

"It happened one day that the ruler of the Turks, who was called Yabghu, assembled his troops, intending to attack Islamic territory. Duqaq forbade him to do so, and a long argument ensued between them. The ruler of the Turks used rough language to Duqaq who struck him and split his head open. The servants of the Turkish ruler surrounded Duqaq, meaning to seize him, but he resisted and fought them. Several of his own followers gathered to prevent his being taken, so the others withdrew and left him alone. Eventually peace was restored. Duqaq remained in the ruler's service and his son, Saljuq, was born to him."
 
His son, Seljuk, also began his career as a general in the Khazar army (known as 'subashi'), however, he was forced to leave, and eventually joined the service of the Oghuz Yabghu State with his followers. There, he settled in the city of Jand with his tribe, which was at the frontiers of the Islamic World at the time.

Map of the Oghuz Yabghu State during the mid-8th century.

At Jand, Seljuk and his followers famously accepted the religion of Islam, around the year 985. Following their conversion, they expelled the tax collectors of the Oghuz Yabghu, effectively becoming independent. Due to this act, he became known as 'al-Malik al-Ghazi', establishing a tradition that would produce numerous Turkish Ghazis. He had four sons, namely Yusuf, Mika'il, Arslan Isra'il Yabghu, and Musa Yabghu. Mika'il was killed while fighting against the pagan Turks and as a result, his two sons, Tughril and Chaghri were raised by Seljuk himself. Arslan Yabghu, on the other hand, went to Nur and joined hands with the Samanids, to help them in their war against the Kara Khanids. He got control of the village and helped his allies fight in 992. The Seljuks gained a series of victories against their enemies, defeating Kara Khanids near Samarqand and capturing 18 of their commanders, then defeating Ilek Khan Nasr twice in 1004 and 1005. However, not long after, Seljuk Bey died at Jand in the year 1009 and was buried there.

The Seljuks were eventually forced to leave Jand and started migrating into Transoxiana by 1025. They were granted some lands by the Ghaznavids. Arslan Yabghu, who was visiting Mahmud the Ghaznavid at that time, was imprisoned by him at the fort of Kalinjar in Kashmir, where he eventually died. After clashes with the Ghaznavids, the Seljuks were again forced to migrate to Khwarezm, however, they got attacked by the ruler there and were forced to leave for Khurasan again in 1035. There, they defeated a Ghaznavid army sent to fight them and were granted small towns north of the Atrak river. Eventually, Ghaznavid power in Khurasan crumbles, and the Seljuks quickly wrest control of the region, at one point almost marching on Ghazna itself and gaining the vital city of Nishapur. In 1040, the Seljuks gained their biggest victory yet at the Battle of Dandanaqan, crushing the Ghaznavid army and establishing themselves firmly. Over time, the Seljuks secure the allegiance of the ruler of Khwarezm and start looking towards the west. Ibrahim Yinal and other branches of the Seljuk Turks were already active in western Iran and some parts of Azerbaijan and Iraq. As Tughril starts to annex territory in western Iran, with his brother ruling in the eastern lands, some branches of the Seljuks that were not loyal to him started to flee further west from him as his armies were arriving in the Iraq al-Ajam (Jibal). They ended up near the Roman frontiers and defeated a Roman force near Lake Van in 1045. The following year, the Seljuks under Tughril defeat a Georgian army in the Roman territory while Ibrahim Yinal is busy amassing territory in Iraq al-Ajam (also known as the aforementioned Jibal). By this time, Chaghri's son, Qavurt, establishes his rule in Kirman, laying the foundation of Kirmanid Seljuks. During this time in 1053, the mihna (which was a series of policies targeted against the Ash'aris) begins in the cities of Baghdad and Nishapur (which was under Seljuk rule). In 1055, Tughril enters Baghdad in a bloodless fashion and secures the approval of the Abbasids, however, they soon find themselves in conflict with the Fatimids who began attacking the Abbasids. By 1059, the Fatimid general al-Basasiri enters Baghdad and secures all of Iraq for the Fatimid Caliph. During the same time, Ibrahim Yinal rebels but is quickly defeated. The Fatimids are defeated in Baghdad, with al-Basasiri being beheaded and the Abbasids back in power. The Seljuks and the Abbasids forge strong ties with each other, which becomes a favorable partnership in the future and kept stability in the region for the most part.

Tughril dies childless in 1063, and Chaghri's son, Alp Arslan, becomes the new Sultan. During his rule, he takes control of several forts and towns in the Caucasus and vassalizes the kingdom of Georgia under king Bagrat IV. He takes over his ancestors' town of Jand and also forges an alliance with his ancestors' enemies, the Ghaznavids. The famous Madrassa Nizmaniyyah was built in Baghdad during his rule in 1065. Alp Arslan originally wanted to focus his efforts against the Fatimids, but the Romans started behaving aggressively towards the Seljuks, and also attacked the city of Aleppo in Syria. The Turks under Alp Arslan attacked some Roman cities in central Anatolia which also escalated tensions between both empires. The Seljuks were defeated at Iconium (which would later become Konya) in 1069. They further attacked Manzikert and took it from the Seljuks, but a battle takes place there and the Seljuks famously defeat them in 1071 (known as the Battle of Manzikert/Malazgirt). Alp Arslan imprisons the Roman emperor Romanos Diogenes, however, he treats him kindly and signs a treaty with him, escorting him back to Constantinople, where he finds himself deposed and eventually getting blinded, retiring to a monastery and dying there. The battle of Manzikert opens the floodgates to Anatolia for various Turkish generals and ghazis who start establishing themselves in the region. Danishmendids, Saltukids, and Mengujekids are some of the famous polities founded in Anatolia during this period. In 1072, Alp Arslan meets his end when he attacks Barzam in Central Asia and gets famously killed by one of his prisoners. The incident is narrated as follows: Alp Arslan captured a commander named Yusuf al-Khwarizmi who was brought to him. He had him tied and brought close to his throne. Yusuf condemns Alp Arslan, calling him a coward and asking him to be killed honorably. Enraged, Alp Arslan had him freed and decided to shoot him with a bow, as was considered an honorable death, however, he unusually missed his arrow from point-blank range. Upon this fatal miss, Yusuf rushed toward Arslan as he tripped and stabbed him with a dagger. Although Yusuf was killed on the spot, Alp Arslan passed away from his wounds too. He is reported to have said (quoted by Ibn Athir and translated by D.S. Richards) before his death:

'Never have I invaded any country or attacked any enemy without seeking God's help in the plan. Yesterday, however, I climbed a hill and the earth shook beneath me from the size of my army and the number of my troops. I said to myself, "I am master of the world and no-one can stand against me." Now God has undone me through the least of his creatures. I beg forgiveness of God and ask Him to pardon that thought.'
 
This quote gives us an insight into Alp Arslan's apparent change in personality as a result of his hyper-successful career at a very young age (he was only 40 when he died) and how he acknowledged it before his death.


Origins of the Seljuks

The origins of this great dynasty have been debated among academics. Hence, several theories and hypotheses have been put forward as a result, both from classical sources as well as modern historians.

Two theories have been put forward by A. C. S. Peacock in his 'Early Seljuk History: A New Interpretation'. He calls the first one the 'Oghuz Connection'.

The Oghuz theory

The term Oghuz refers to a group of Turkic people, although it was originally used as a word for 'tribe'. These groups migrated from Mongolia, into the Central Asian steppes. The Seljuks claimed descent from one of the 24 Oghuz-Turkic tribes, namely the Kinik tribe.

The 24 Oghuz-Turkic tribes, according to Rashid al-Din

However, Peacock argues that it is uncertain whether the Seljuks had any connections with the Oghuz tribes from the 8th or even the 10th century. The reasons for Oghuz migrations west of Mongolia are many and unknown, it could be due to political, historical, or climatic events and circumstances that could have forced them to migrate towards the western lands. What is clear, however, is that the Seljuks certainly do claim descent from one of the Oghuz tribes, and thus have led several scholars to theorize about the origins of the Seljuks in light of Oghuz-Turkic migrations and as a result, connecting the Seljuks to the 'Gokturk Khaganate' of the 6th century and later the Oghuz Yabghu State (which was established by those same very Oghuz-Turks who were migrating from the east). Peacock also examines the Qarachuq mountains as a possible place where the Seljuks originated from. He cites a report of an Armenian Cilician king in the 13th century traveling back from Mongolia and passing through Qarachuq and mentioning details about it being the place where the Seljuks originated as evidence for this hypothesis. He counters it by adding that sources mentioning this place as the area where the Seljuks originated are rather late chronologically, and hence cannot be trusted. Additionally, he argues, the Seljuks also had no connections with the aforementioned Oghuz Yabghus, who were already dysfunctional by the time Seljuk Bey was in Jand with his followers. Moreover, it can also be added that Seljuk claims of Oghuz ancestry cannot be taken at face value simply due to the fact that medieval legitimacy in Turkish tradition was heavily based on hereditary lineage and thus it is possible, if not likely, that Seljuk claims to Oghuz ancestry would serve a legitimatory purpose, as claiming royal ancestry would bolster legitimacy, especially when compared to other dynasties. For example, the Seljuks would often boast about having a lineage that traced back to royals, rather than lowly slaves or anonymous ancestors, like their rivals: the Ghaznavids.

The Khazar theory

The second theory identified by Peacock is the 'Khazar-connection' theory. The Maliknama associates the Seljuks with the Khazars, which was a Turkic state in modern southern Russia. It broke away from the 'Gokturks' in the mid-7th century and became a strong regional power, fighting battles against the Rashidun, Umayyad, and Abbasid Caliphates. They converted to Judaism in the 8th century, though the extent of this conversion is unclear. It was this aforementioned state that Duqaq and his son, Seljuk had served during their lives, although Seljuk was forced to leave later on. The heroic story of Duqaq is quoted by Peacock from several sources, including the Maliknama, Mirkhwand, Ibn Hassul, Bar Hebraeus, and Ibn Tiqtiqa with a slight variance in detail as the one quoted by Ibn Athir mentioned at the start of the article. As mentioned earlier, Ibn Athir's explanation for the incident between Duqaq and the Khazar ruler is different, pointing out that the ruler wanted to invade Muslim lands, which prompted Duqaq to stand against him. Other sources do not mention this reason and instead insisted that Duqaq and what would later become the Seljuks served the Khazar rulers. Peacock argues that this part was a later addition to the mainstream narrative about Seljuk origins, and asserts that it may serve a legitimatory purpose (which is, to associate the Seljuks with Islam before their conversion). He cites the similarity of vocabulary in Ibn Athir and Husayni's versions as evidence. Whether that is the case or not, is difficult to know with certainty. Peacock claims that most sources are silent about the Khazar connection with Seljuk origins, citing the Saljuqnama, Rahat al-Sudur, and Isfahani, all of whom had a tendency to omit Khazars from Seljuk origins. These texts were written from the 12th century onwards, but Peacock points out that sources written before this period generally mentioned the Khazar connection. This would eliminate any speculation about the Khazar connection being a later invention to bolster legitimacy, in fact, it would rather do the opposite, as Khazars converted to Judaism as mentioned earlier and were hostile to the Muslims, so it was not in the interests of the Seljuk court to style themselves as successors to the Khazars, or associating their origins with them. However, Peacock argues that the Khazars themselves claimed their origins from the 'Gokturk Khaganate', which was a prestigious dynasty among the Turks, and thus anyone associated with it had a degree of legitimacy among the tribal Turkic chiefs. Thus he argued that this story might have been invented to legitimize the Seljuks (who were until previously, not very relevant in the nomadic steppe world), but he quickly counters this by pointing out that the Seljuks never laid claim to the 'Gokturk Khaganate', citing their lack of use of royal designations such as 'Khan'. However, this is probably due to the fact that the Seljuks were ruling in the Middle East, and became strongly associated with the Abbasids by the end of the 11th century, so it makes sense why they prioritized using terminology such as 'Sultan' as opposed to nomadic Turkic designations, which no longer as relevant to them as they were previously. Nonetheless, this still highlights the lack of interest on part of the Seljuks to associate themselves with powerful steppe empires, such as those of the Khazars. Therefore, we can conclude in this part, that the Seljuks did not have much to gain from associating their ancestry with the Khazars, especially in the later centuries of their rule. It is also commonly argued that the names of Seljuk's sons were all common Jewish names found in the Old Testament (Moses, Israel, Michael, and Joseph). However, this cannot be cited as evidence for the Khazar connection (who were Jews) because these names were commonly used in the Islamic world (Musa, Isra'il, Mika'il, and Yusuf). Although Peacock argues that some of these names were less common in the Islamic world and that later Seljuk princes had fewer names derived from the Old Testament and more from Turkish or other Muslim names, it still does not address the main point, which is that these names were fairly common the Muslim world, and even future Turkish princes used these names (such as Musa of the Ottoman Empire, for example).


Conclusion

The Seljuks were probably associated with the Khazars in some way, and they eventually broke off and migrated toward Central Asia (Peacock reaches the same conclusion here). But we cannot be certain about Seljuk origins in the South Russian steppes, since the Khazars held immense prestige among Turkic chiefs. This association is mostly found in early sources favorable to the Seljuks when they were probably endeavoring to forge their lineage with the Khazars to legitimize themselves for the purpose of rallying local Turkish tribesmen into their armies. Nevertheless, this theory does enjoy more credibility in academia than it previously did, since it provides us with insights about Seljuk origins and why they decided to choose the Khazars as their original rulers, rather than the Oghuz Yabghu or even the highly mystified Gokturks or 'Celestial Turks' in Turkish history. To conclude, it is more likely that the Seljuks were connected to the Khazars than they were to the Oghuz Yabghu, although it is highly probable that they descended from one of the 24 Oghuz Turkic tribes (which is proven to an extent from their decision to claim their lineage from the Kiniks rather than more prestigious tribes).





Further reading:

Peacock, A. (2013). Early Seljuq History: A New Interpretation (Routledge Studies in the History of Iran and Turkey) (1st ed.). Routledge.

Beihammer, A. D. (2019). Byzantium and the Emergence of Muslim-Turkish Anatolia, Ca. 1040-1130. Taylor & Francis.

Richards, D. S. (2010). The Annals of the Saljuq Turks: Selections from Al-Kamil Fi’l-Ta’rikh of Ibn Al-Athir. Routledge.

Koprulu, M. F., & Leiser, G. (1999). The Seljuks of Anatolia: Their History and Culture According to Local Muslim Sources. Univ of Utah Pr.

Peacock, A. C. S., Yildiz, S. N., Yildiz, S. N., & Peacock, A. (2015). The Seljuks of Anatolia: Court and Society in the Medieval Middle East (Library of Middle East History) (Reprint). I.B. Tauris.

Bosworth, E. (2010). The History of the Seljuq Turks: The Saljuq-nama of Zahir al-Din Nishpuri (Routledge Studies in the History of Iran and Turkey). Routledge.

Peacock, A. C. S. (2015). The Great Seljuk Empire (The Edinburgh History of the Islamic Empires) (1st ed.). Edinburgh University Press.

Bosworth, C. E. (2014). The History of the Seljuq State: A Translation with Commentary of the Akhbar al-dawla al-saljuqiyya (Routledge Studies in the History of Iran and Turkey) (1st ed.). Routledge.

Basan, O. A. (2014b). The Great Seljuqs: A History (Routledge Studies in the History of Iran and Turkey) (1st ed.). Routledge.

Tetley, G. E. (2014). The Ghaznavid and Seljuk Turks: Poetry As a Source for Iranian History. Routledge.